garda adrian donohoe murder, suspects, arrests, credit union robbery, reward, an garda siochana, sinn fein, gerry adams td

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garda adrian donohoe murder, suspects, arrests, credit union robbery, reward, an garda siochana, sinn fein, gerry adams tdGardaí are appealing for anyone with information to contact them at the incident room at Dundalk Garda Station on 042-9388470 or the Confidential Line 1800-666111.

Spawn of the Provo BeastOver a 40 year period up to and including the present day the criminal activity of Provisional Sinn Fein/IRA and their various surrogates have turned the beautiful countryside of south Armagh and its neighbouring counties Monaghan and Louth into a criminal black-spot on the Irish landscape, only a few short months ago Provisional Sinn Fein/IRA criminals kidnapped, butchered and murdered 21 year old Paul Quinn in Monaghan, his cowardly murderers are unlikely to be brought to justice as the Provisional Sinn Fein/IRA crime empire demands silence from those who know about their heinous criminality. Prior to being parachuted into Louth for the last General Election, Gerry Adams TD and his hench-men meet with the leaders of the Real IRA in Louth in order to ensure that Adams would be able to run for election without opposition of interference, in return Adams offered to use his position to demand better conditions for Real IRA prisoners, both in the north and in the Republic.Adams had decided to run across the border as the embarrassing trial of the paedophile brother he protected is expected to bring much unwanted publicity, Adams had concealed the rape of his 4 year old niece Aine Tyrell (her claims of rape by her father Liam Dominic Adams were accepted by Gerry Adams TD but he failed to go to the authorities either north or south). Adams was also forced to admit that he had concealed the serial child rape crimes of his father Gerry Adams Snr, and to add insult to the injury of the children raped and in order to maintain their silence Gerry Adams TD gave his father a full style IRA funeral.The murder of Garda Adrian Donohoe last week has left the good and decent people of the ‘border’ counties stunned and shocked, and it is the legacy of fear embedded in those communities by Provo criminality that may see much needed information being untold as people will be branded touts. While Garda Adrian Donohoe may not have been shot dead by the Provos, we can be certain that it is the Provo legacy of criminality and brutality that created the conditions for the on-going criminality in that area. We can be certain that there is some connection between the murderers of Garda Donohoe and the Provo mafia that continues to operate in the ‘border’ counties. Gerry Adams TD may offer crocodile tears to the family and colleagues of Garda Donohoe, however, the truth is that Adams is a coward who could easily order the murder of Jean McConville and many other innocent men, women and children. Adams likes to brand his crimes as political, however, only the devil himself could described concealing child rape as political.From the fields and lanes around the Border, the killers of Detective Garda Adrian Donohoe sprung.They fled back to the same lawless territory after the outrage and now this Border Country is where they are seeking to hide from the biggest Garda manhunt since the murder of Veronica Guerin. The Garda are joined in force by their professional colleagues in the PSNI.The most hunted killers in Ireland are a feral young breed, a new generation of criminals and racketeers whose iron hold over the border has turned a strip of Ireland into an outlaw land.Reared in a lawless region where criminality is deeply embedded, they have been brought up in the shadow of diesel laundering, tobacco smuggling, murder and rape.However, the older command are now struggling to control the wild younger generations of gangs that they have spawned. And this week the monster they created became a nightmare of their own making.Today the multi-million-euro diesel laundering industry is shut down, the tobacco smugglers are grounded and the lawless border has come under the intense and unwelcome spotlight of An Garda Síochána and the PSNI.Teams of detectives are combing the area for clues to the young outlaws who executed Garda Adrian Donohoe last week at Lordship Credit Union outside Dundalk.Blue uniforms are knocking at every door and the region's web-like road network and dirt tracks - many of which have been laid by smugglers - are being mapped out in the hunt.Attention'Business' has ground to a halt and countless diesel-laundering operations that had before gone un-noticed have come to the attention of a 100-man Garda team intent on leaving no stone unturned in the hunt for the killers.Sources say there will be no quick arrests of the gang members suspected of being behind the capital murder - the most serious offence that can be committed in the Irish Republic and one which carries a 40-year jail term.Progress is slow. And currently there is little point in arresting anyone as there is a mountain of work to do before anything of substance can be put to the five that carried out the raid. Those that stole the car to order days previous in Clogherhead and the people who hid, fuelled and later torched the getaway vehicle.Senior sources say that the car used by the raiders could have used any of 35 different routes through the area known as Bandit Country to make their escape.It is understood that hours of CCTV footage from a network of winding roads will be painstakingly gone through over the coming weeks to track the car from Lordship, Co. Louth, to Keady, Co. Armagh, where it was burnt out.The car was torched in a professional job that left nothing save the chassis number, which has identified it as a 2 litre diesel Volkswagen Passat stolen in Clogherhead days previously and stored for the robbery.Gardai believe it was stolen to order for the raid on Lordship Credit Union last week by local thieves connected to the south Armagh-based gang, who chose a night that a popular barman in Clogherhead was being waked.TorchedHowever, the thieves had to break into the house of a couple to take the keys of the vehicle between 11.30pm and 4.30am, so officers are hopeful they have left fingerprints or other forensic evidence.They are also hoping to pick them up around the area on CCTV footage.It is believed that the car was stored and the tank filled to prepare it for the raid and Gardai say anyone involved in any aspect of preparing it could be facing capital murder charges or conspiracy to murder.Across the Border PSNI officers are working to identify gang members who were waiting at Keady to torch the car. Sources say they too will face the most serious charges in connection with the crime.Bandit Country has been notoriously difficult to police over decades of Provo crime in that part of Ireland. It is made up of a spider's web of winding roads and dirt tracks used by smugglers, and has long been a stronghold of support for the IRA and other criminal gangs involved in fuel smuggling and armed raids.A lawlessness and criminality is deeply embedded in this region of north Louth and south Armagh, which is mainly Republican.It was Christened 'Bandit Country' in the early 1970s by Britain's then Northern Secretary Merlyn Rees.The Cooley and Mourne Mountains straddle the Border and rise up above small villages often divided into two jurisdictions, giving criminals an advantage over police. The area around Culloville, where the man believed to have aimed and fired the shotgun is from, is one such township.It is divided a number of times by the Border.The man who built up the mob suspected of having carried out a series of aggravated burglaries and raids on business premises over the past few years is a close associate of a well-known Provo who was once himself a tight associate of Thomas 'Slab' Murphy.CalculatedThe two families fell out after a row which resulted in the murder of one of the gang member's families.Officers say the suspected gunman is a cold and calculated criminal who has shot at people indiscriminately before during robberies. He has never been so precise in his shot as he was when he aimed the barrel of his shotgun at Garda Donohoe's head in a killing that could only be described as an execution.He was standing in the shadows of the Lordship Credit Union building while his gang, including an 18-year-old female getaway driver, blocked the exit with the car.Seconds after Garda Donohoe got out of his vehicle to walk towards the dark coloured vehicle, the assassin raised and secured the shotgun at his shoulder, aimed and blasted the officer in the back of the head.He then smashed the glass of the unmarked squad car and warned Donohoe's partner Garda Joe Ryan not to get out of the vehicle.Meanwhile, other gang members rifled through a jeep that a terrified female staff member was due to travel in to lodge the Credit Union takings in a Dundalk bank.They stole her handbag containing just €4,000 but left behind more cash in the glove compartment.All were wearing balaclavas and they took off in the direction of the Dublin road at a furious speed.The female, who Gardai are confident was driving the car, manoeuvred the vehicle through floods, under tight railway bridges and around tight bends, rarely dropping below 100mph. She is believed to be in a relationship with the gunman and an expert driver.It is understood that the gang, who are holed up in safe-houses, are being closely monitored by surveillance experts and anyone harbouring them will also become the focus of the massive investigation.The Irish League of Credit Unions has offered a €50,000 reward for information leading to the killers, an incentive that officers believe could help crack the veil of silence that traditionally hangs over Bandit Country.

Sexual Crime, journophiles, peadophiles, child abuse, child protection

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Sexual Crime, journophiles, peadophiles, child abuse, child protectionThe Media and Sexual CrimeAs more and more journalists across the modern world come before the courts and tribunals of inquiry, accused of heinous and outrageous crimes, we look here at the role of the media in terms of facilitating, participating and encouraging criminality. In Ireland we have had daily STAR journalist, Ian Bailey accused of murder, we have had Irish Times journalist, Tom Humphries exposed as a paedophile, we have RTE and other journalists exposed as liars and defamers. To join the National Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Ireland, all you need is a proposal and seconder from people like Ian Bailey or Tom Humphries or any of the many drug snorting, alcohol consuming journalists around the country. We had the bizarre situation in Monaghan Town where RUC informer Owen/Eoin Smyth created a proxy journalist in Patrick ‘the dwarf’ Tierney so that Smyth could send out press releases to pursue vindictive campaigns against good and decent people. Both Smyth and Tierney are now persona non grata.John Muncie (2000) sets the media and public’s attitude to crime, into context, when he tells us that:Any cursory glance at television programme listings, the contents of mass circulation newspapers or the shelves of fiction in book shops will confirm the extent to which an audience perceives crime not just as a social problem but as a major sourse of amusement and diversion, the way in which we enjoy violence, humiliation and hurt casts doubt on the universal applicability of harm as always connoting trouble, fear, loss and so on. For participants, too, the pleasure in creating harm, or doing wrong or breaking boundaries is also part of the equation and needs to be thought through (p.225).Prof. Paul O’Mahony (1996) goes further in addressing the media and crime, when he says:Sections of the media never tire of reflecting a fearful message of crime back to the public and amplifying it through selective reporting, sensational headlines and frequently inflammatory editorialising. For most part the media rhetoric of fear and moral panic is built on isolated cases taken out of the broader context of crime in Ireland. Traditional barriers of good taste and reticence have been broken down. As the parameters of the permissible have expended some sections of the media have developed a reprehensible, approach which is sensational and voyeuristic. Supposedly factual accounts and purportedly serious analyses and comment are often exaggerated, unsubstantiated by any reliable supporting evidence, and intended to provoke hysterical response (p.167).This manufacturing of hysterical responses guillotines public and political debate and pushes certain weak politicians towards quick fix and usually harsh and ill considered repressive and punitive legislation, the results of which are more damaging to society in the long term. Brenda O’ Brien says:I have always said that the media have played a positive role in helping us to come to terms with child abuse, but there is a real danger that they will become intoxicated with their own power (Irish Times. 2002).This positive/negative role played by the media in relation to child sexual abuse was picked up by Bishop Willie Walsh when he said:Can I ask the media to be aware of the danger that it might use its power to occupy that oppressive and uncompassionate role which hopefully the Catholic Church has vacated or at least begun to vacate (Irish Times.2002).Psychotherapist, Marie Keenan said of sex offenders, alleged or real, and the way the media treats them:They were constructed as non-persons and icons of evil. Labels turn people into nouns and hence the paedophile is born (Irish Times.2002).Marie Keenan was critical of the media’s role in this demonization and its indifference to families of offenders by the repetition of cases and repeated use of photographs of abusers. In the majority of child sexual abuse cases the victim/s are from the same family as the abuser and in high profile cases lurid reporting by what has become known as Journophiles[1] can have a devastating impact on innocent members of the extended family. However, we must also remember that many of these Journophiles have no interest in the victims in these cases and are simply reporting sensational headlines in order that they can sell the paperback book they will publish from the transcripts of the trial.Certain media reporting can also see grave injustice done to the victims alleged or actual in such cases. In 1994 the Court of Criminal Appeal quashed a conviction which had led to a fourteen year sentence, because newspaper articles and pictures that were published during the trial period, which named the Defendant, were likely to prejudice the jury against him. In 1994, Mr Justice Kelly find the Star £10,000 for publishing a report that did not reflect what had gone on in Court and was neither ‘fair or true’. This report led to the dismissal of the jury. In 2002 the reporting of a case appearing before Mr Justice, John Neilan at Mullingar District Court, relating to a charge of false imprisonment and sexual assault of a child, Mr Justice Neilan said of an interview with the alleged victim’s family on RTE:It was outrageous and a nauseating matter (Irish Independent.2002).In the case of Tim Allen a celebrity Chef and the first person to be ‘sentenced’ as a result of Operation Amethyst[2], the trial Judge said he had to take into account the substantial media coverage surrounding the case. The Tim Allen case caused ‘muted’ outcry as he was given 240 hours of community service and agreed to pay £40,000 to a children’s charity. Mr Allen had paid for and down loaded one thousand pictures of children from as young as five being raped (Irish Times. 2003). These acts of legal and moral courage by members of the judiciary to face down the bullying tactics of certain sections of the media and reactionary politicians are the exception rather than the rule.What influence can be put upon a jury by even minimal pre-trial publicity is impossible to measure; however, we can be certain that many accused persons have been denied their Constitutional right to a fair trial due to accesses by certain sections of the media. This is particularly the case in provincial towns in the Irish Republic where serious crimes are tried before the Circuit Court. Crawford (1997) reminds us that:An assertion of community at a local level can be beautifully conciliatory, socially nuanced and constructive but it can also be parochial, intolerant, oppressive and unjust (p.294).Accesses by the media can impugn a convicted person’s ability to seek and receive rehabilitative care when entering the prison system and can destroy the reputation of an acquitted person. This commitment to a fair trial, as set out in the Irish Constitution, Bunreacht na hEireann, and International conventions, was confirmed by Mrs Justice Denham of the Supreme Court in 1993, when she stated:Article 40.3 incorporated a right to fairness of procedures which incorporated the requirement of Trial by jury unprejudiced by pre-trial publicity…the right to a fair trial was a fundamental Constitutional right and was superior to the communities right to prosecute (O’Mahony.1996.p.11).A small number of politicians have not been silent on the matter of accesses by the media, although such disquiet has not been followed through by legislation. The establishment of the Press Complaints Commission is a small step in the right direction, however, when a person’s freedom is at stake no stone must be left unturned in order to guarantee a fair trial to an accused person. On the 4th of May, 2001, Donnie Cassidy, the leader of the Senate at that time said:The rights of citizens were being eroded by some sections of the media and the Oireachtas would have to be courageous in addressing this problem.Mr Maurice Manning, the Fine Gael Leader of the Seanad responded to Mr Cassidy by saying:I would like to draw attention to the fact that this very morning one criminal trial cannot go ahead because of the antics of some newspapers yesterday (Irish Times.2001).In an article in The Irish Times (2003) Fintan O’Toole gave an excellent analysis of the negative role played by some media in the murder trial of Catherine Nevin. O’ Toole concludes this article by saying:The media industry, which rightly demands that others account for their use of power, has a lot to account for (p.16).The jury is not the only consideration where the accesses of the media are concerned. In 2001 a Circuit Court Judge, ordered the media from his Court as he sentenced a man found guilty of sexual offences. The judge stated that his reasons for ordering the media from his court was that, he felt the presence of the media would influence his sentencing of the accused man. While this decision by the Circuit Court judge was later over turned by the High Court, it opened up the somewhat muted debate about the effects of popular sentiment and legislative provision for harsher sentences on the actual practice of judicial discretion. However, the muted debate disappeared with the headlines. Even where a judge of the lower courts has banned the publishing of names of persons involved in sexual crime cases in the interest of the victim/s, the High Court has over turned such decisions (Irish Times.2002).Yet there is a moral schizophrenia in sections of the media when it comes to sexual crime alleged or real. While one can read tabloid headlines such as ‘Sex Beast’ and ‘Sex Monster’ (Stanko.2000) the flick of the front page of the tabloid will bring the reader into a world of intimate, lurid and graphic descriptions of sexual crimes and fantasies. The material to be found on these voyeuristic journeys, is equal to the depths of depravity to be found on deviant sexual websites on the World Wide Web, sites developed and maintained for an ever more voyeuristic public, deviant sexual sub-cultures there in, and the young and the vulnerable. These lurid and voyeuristic accounts of criminals proceedings, sex orientated advertisements and perverted sex chat lines are a clear indication of the moral schizophrenia of those sections of the media, which are high on rhetoric but low on morality.On a daily basis there are millions of examples of this moral schizophrenia in the media. Staying specifically with the area of child sexual abuse and exploitation, I have looked at the sex orientated adverts in the tabloid press. While the extent of this article is too confined to give the depth of analysis that I would like, I will however, set out some examples. In the Weekly Sport tabloid, sex orientated adverts run alongside distasteful lurid details of sex crimes before the courts, a sample of these sex orientated adverts is:Young Girls Want to Talk to You 1-2-1Bored Young Girls Waiting for You to CallLively Girls on Line NowYoung Girls Willing to TalkSex adverts and selective reporting of sexual crime in The Star (tabloid) follow a similar pattern. However, The Star goes further by using popular children’s movies to lure potential young customers to their sex adverts, Home Alone (a popular children’s movie) and versions thereof. The Joint National Readership Research group have reported that The Star has some 400,000 readers in Ireland each day, on any given day there are up wards of forty sex adverts in The Star, including titles such as:Bi GirlsSixth FormerIrish GirlsHot and HornyChat with Girls at HomeGirls looking for MenGirls at HomeThis supply of lurid material that often runs alongside advertisements for children’s summer camps and other sporting activity of interest to children must surely be of concern to those in Irish society who genuinely want to see, sexual crime and the environment that facilitates and normalises it eliminated. It is interesting to note that these perverted sex adverts for sex chat lines are excluded from our advertising standards legislation. The proliferation of child owned mobile phones combined with this easy access to lurid material pose a real danger to community safety.Who are these lurid advertisements directed towards? If not the weak minded, the vulnerable and the young. The word Girl in the Oxford English Dictionary means, ‘Female Child’. This discourse coupled with the use of child movies as an introduction to sex chat lines, can leave one with no other conclusion than that these sex orientated adverts are aimed at grooming children, those with a distorted sexual script and any one in the community who derives pleasure from the normalisation of sexual deviance, that these adverts portray. While much reporting of a lurid and voyeuristic nature is broadly confined to the tabloids and certain internet sites it is not exclusive to same. Some Broad sheets and visual media outlets have also tapped into this marketable commodity especially at times of high profile cases.Tom Inglis, in his book, Lessons in Irish Sexuality (1998), sets out the findings of his research when he examined the Sunday Independent, for two separate six month periods. The first six months in 1963 and the second in 1993, his analysis indicated that over the thirty-year period, the number of explicit articles and photographs increased from two to thirty-three; the number of indirect items about sex increased from one to forty-four; and the number of direct items increased from eleven to seventy-six. Roger Grafe (2000) found in his research that:The broad sheets report about three times the actual proportion of violent crime and the tabloids about ten times. The picture of the world one gets from crime news is that it is a very violent place. Inflated perceptions of the level of violence create pressure for something to be done (p.31).What is most significant about this increased supply of lurid and deviant material by sections of the media is that it has gone unchallenged by the Government and those NGOs, voluntary and community groups who allegedly have the interests of victims at heart. Indeed these very same organisations know well that they will themselves need banner headlines when they seek their next trench of funding from Government. The double standards of some politicians were highlighted with the resignation of Government Minister, Mr Bobby Molloy in 2002, after it was disclosed by the right Hon. Mr Justice O’Sullivan, that Mr Molloy, had phoned him in relation to the sentencing of a man convicted but not yet sentenced for raping his daughter. However, the web of intrigue did not stop there; Under a Freedom of Information request by RTE’s, Good Morning Ireland, the Department of Justice was forced to disclose that the then Minister for Justice, Mr John O’Donoghue, ‘Mr Zero Tolerance’, had exchanged fifteen letters with Mr Molloy about the man convicted of, but not yet sentenced for raping his daughter.All of the communications focused on the possibility of getting temporary release or bail for the convicted person, an intervention that is both unlawful and un-constitutional. The same Minister for Justice was a regular contributor by way of articles and interviews with the same lurid tabloids. Indeed Mr O’Donoghue would see himself before the District Court when a convicted person sought summonses issued against Mr O’Donoghue in a private criminal prosecution, after it was disclosed under the FOI Act that Mr O’Donoghue had sent an unlawful communication to the DPP in relation to that convicted persons case (Irish Times.2002). And while Mr O’Donoghue was telling the people of Ireland that sexual crime against children would not be tolerated, he and others were signing off on a deal that would see Religious Child Rapists getting bailed out to the tune of hundreds of millions of Euro, at a time when the majority of the 5500 children in the ‘care’ of the State don’t have access to professional help. Mr O’Donoghue resigned from his position as Chair of the Dail in 2009 after it was disclosed that he had spent vast amounts of tax payer’s money on extravagances for himself and his wife, including Gondala rides in Venice, while staying in 900 Euro per night Hotel rooms.Few politicians or groups are prepared to challenge accesses by the media. Voluntary, community, ‘victims’ groups and others in the ‘victims industry’ depend on media coverage to high light their profile, which in turn helps them to secure funding from Government each year. An unprecedented ‘bogus moral panic’ was created when a ‘victims’ group colluded with the tabloids to gain banner headlines. In 2003 a ‘victims’ group claimed that over the previous five years there had been a substantial increase in drug induced rape and sexual assault cases. In fact the Gardai and the Sexual Assault Unit at the Rotunda Hospital stated that not one single case of drug induced rape or sexual assault had ever been brought to their attention. Following comprehensive investigation by the Sexual Assault Units around the country, this investigation included toxicology reports on each victim, it was clearly established that the women making such allegations (if they ever did) had simply consumed so much alcohol that they could not remember what they had done the night before. Yet nobody seemed to bat an eye lid when this bogus moral panic was exposed in an RTE 1, Crime Line Report, 26th January, 2003.The Irish Independent (2002) reported how a 17 year old French youth, claimed to have been driven by a cult horror movie ‘Scream’ to commit the gratuitous murder of a fifteen year old girl. French Justice Minister, Dominique Perben, commenting on the case said:The Government must quickly come up with a way to avoid this repetition of scenes of violence at the disposition of adolescents. These violent scenes set in motion some particularly fragile adolescents who then play out misdemeanours or crimes.Sex orientated sites on the internet are an extension of this tabloid supply of deviant material, to an ever more voyeuristic public and particularly those with a distorted sexual script there in. Millions of web pages now provide a wide range of sex orientated pornography and literature. The scales of provision go from curious voyeurism, to the most lurid taste, reaching into the dark recesses of unstable minds. In February, 2001, seven people were convicted in London for their part in the ‘Wonderland Club’ which was the world’s largest known child pornography web site. The ‘Wonderland Club’ internet data base held some 750,000 images, including the rape of babies as young as two months old (Irish Indpendent.2001). It is clear from the many cases coming before the courts in England and Ireland, that the higher socio-economic groupings are the main yet not exclusive users of this new technological deviance, this was clear from Operation Amethyst (Irish Times.2002) and was reinforced by experts in this field who were interviewed on an RTE, Prime Time programme on this subject on the 31st May 2010.For generations Irish people were constrained by the condemnation of all, but normal marital sexual relations by the Catholic Church, however, following the Ferns, Murphy and Ryan reports into religious child rapists that constraint is laid bare, the constraints of moral and religious teaching for generations, has been sharply lifted by the expose of the Catholic Church and the voyeuristic and lurid material of a newly liberated technological era. One would be a fool to suggest that sexual deviance is not a marketable commodity, however, with that marketing must come responsibility. Tony O’Neil CEO of Palmstories.com one of the biggest providers of porn on the internet and mobile phones says of the industry:As far as the web is concerned, pornography has always been at the cutting edge technology wise, the industry is worth billions of dollars generating more money than music or movies (Irish Times. 2001).Emer O’ Kelly told us in the Sunday Independent, that she and other citizens are scourged by sexually explicit pornography, that is sent to them via the internet, into the privacy of their own homes, yet this is not illegal. Supply and demand for lurid and voyeuristic material and sexual stimuli for an ever more voyeuristic public and deviant sub-cultures there in, are growing unhindered, and sections of the media have not been wanting in feeding that demand and exploiting the aquiesants of the Government and others who turn a blind eye to this moral quagmire. Prof. Paul O’ Mahony (1996) says:Pornographic portrayals of the relations between men and women and adults and children permeate our society. Pornography inevitably plays an important role in forming sexual attitudes and quite possibly, in facilitating and promoting sexual crime (p.219).ISPCC Chief Executive, Paul Gilligan, reacting to Operation Amethyst, supported this view expressed by O’ Mahony in that pornography can facilitate crime and can be an integral part of sexual criminality when he said:There is clear evidence from other countries that those in possession of child pornography represent a real risk to children and that those who actively purchase such material represent a greater risk. Some of the biggest paedophile rings and the most compulsive paedophile offenders have been caught on the basis of storing this type of material (Irish Independent.2002).That said of course, the many thousands of religious child rapists including Homophiles, Hetrophiles and Paedophiles who operated within the Catholic Church would not have had access to such pornographic material in the 1940s/50s/60s and so forth. The ever more voyeuristic public and particularly those with a distorted sexual script there in, as set out in this article, are vulnerable to the detrimental influences of deviant literature and photography and persons outside this profile, who lack countervailing influences, particularly the young, can be taken along on a tide of sexual deviant activity and criminality. The conviction in England in May 2010 of two ten year old boys for the attempted rape of an eight year old girl, begs the question, why are children engaging is such activity, they did not learn it from watching the Telly Tubbies or Bosco.In a survey published in July, 2002, the National Centre for Technology in Education found that 73% of 8-10 year old children had internet access at home. In an RTE Prime Time investigation aired on the 31st of May 2010, it was shown that 99% of children now have access to the internet at home. The report in 2002 further stated that as many as 25% of children with internet access at home had encountered pornography on the internet. In the Prime Time programme in 2010 this number is much greater and the dangers posed by chat rooms and social networking sites are an ever increasing danger. This normalising of deviant activity by the pornographic web sites, other sections of the media and an acquiescent Government and others have lowered the barriers, and provided a constant stream of images and literature to create and feed unhealthy and grossly unrealistic fantasies. The great disappointment with the Prime Time programme was that it failed to address the role played by the tabloids and other media in normalising and facilitating sexual crime, and rather seemed to suggest that it is only those sites that exchange child pornography or have a cyber-contact element that pose the only threat to children, again enforcing the image of the paedophile, homophile or hetrophile as a man in the cyber bushes wearing a rain coat.What is important to remember about deviance, says Young (1973) is that:Deviant behaviour….is a meaningful attempt to solve the problems faced by a group or isolated individual – it is not a meaningless pathology (p.42).Young’s proposition raises the question, Why does society prefer to decry rather than confront sexual deviance in an open and constructive forum? May explanations can be offered and some have been put forward in this paper, however, unlike ‘homosexuality’ other sexual sub-cultures particularly those relating to child sexual abuse, cannot be so easily set outside the dominant sexual culture. It is perhaps this fear of examining too closely sexual crime and particularly sexual crime against children (Operation Amethyst, Ferns Report, Murphy Report, Ryan Report) that allows the hard line consensus to square their shoulders and shout ‘hang them’, however, as we have learned in Ireland, it is usually those who shout the loudest that do so to conceal their own crimes.If the figures, relating to sexual crime in Ireland presented in this article in terms of Operation Amethyst and so forth are even close to the true extent of sexual crime, then one wonders in a population of less than four-million people, what family in the broadest sense is without its own difficulties. The recent revelations by Sinn Fein, President, Gerry Adams that he had known for decades that both his father and Brother Liam were child abusers, exposes the reality of how many dark secrets remain untold in Ireland. However, all is not lost as Brenda O’ Brien reminds us that:An important Canadian study shows that untreated sex offenders have a 35% recidivism rate, while it is less than 10% for those who are un treated (Irish Times.2002).When John O’Donoghue TD was Minister for Justice, dozens of convicted sex offenders applied to go on the sex offenders treatment programme at Arbour Hill Prison, the majority were told that there were no facilities to treat them due to lack of funding, this at a time when the Department of Justice spent vast fortunes on expensive trips abroad and squandered tens of millions of Euro on lavish expenses. Many within the hard-line consensus like British Home Secretary, Jack Straw (1997-2001) who introduced ill-considered and punitive measures against sexual deviance, found that he had to build the scaffold close to home when his brother was charged with sexual crimes against two young girls in 2000. In July 2001, the Taoiseach’s Office was quick to play down reports that it was the subject of a major investigation by the Director of Equality, into allegations of serious sexual harassment against a former female employee. While some Cabinet Ministers, had in the weeks prior to these allegations against the Taoiseach’s Office been able to illegally comment on certain cases of a sexual nature before the criminal courts, the Taoiseach’s Department had ‘No Comment’ in relation to its own dirty laundry that was being hung out in the public arena.This hypocrisy is not exclusive to weak politicians, in 2005; The Editor of The Star paid a sex offender who had just been released from prison 400 Euro for photographs of the said sex offender. The said sex offender had asked a friend to take pictures of him as he walked in O’Connell Street on the day he was released from prison, the said sex offender then sold these photographs to The Star for 400 Euro, the following day The Editor of The Star published the photographs claiming that a Star photographer had ‘captured’ the pictures as he seen the said sex offender on O’ Connell Street. The Editor of The Star continues to be a paid guest on many Irish television programmes where he continues to lecture the Irish public on matters of morality and good citizenship.The vitriol expounded by certain sections of the media for those accused of sexual crime, particularly against children, it is not a new phenomenon. In the not too distant past ‘homosexuals’ were the target of the editorial ‘moralists’. In the 1980s and 1990s Ireland’s sexual closet flung open with a vengeance and from this sexual expose, homosexuals were reluctantly ‘accepted’ into the status quo as an oppressed sexual minority, as opposed to a ‘sexually deviant sub-culture’. Such is the strength of the ‘homosexual’ lobby today in the UK and Ireland, that laws have been introduced to reflect a more liberal approach to the gay community. What ‘was’ seen as being seriously criminal by the Governments of the UK and Ireland a few short years ago is today not only ‘tolerated’ but is legislated for. Sexual activity with a child must remain criminal as no child can consent to such activity, however, child protection, community safety and crime prevention cannot be delegated to certain weak politicians and editorial ‘moralists’, whose only motivation respectively is self-preservation and gross commercialism.Cross (1979) quotes Lord Summers, to sum up, attitudes to homosexuality before the prevailing liberalism:Persons who commit the offences now under consideration seek the habitual gratification of particular perverted lust which not only takes them out of the class of ordinary men gone wrong, but stamps them with the hall-mark of specialised and extraordinary class as much as if they carried on their bodies some physical peculiarity (p.366).In a more contemporary address of homosexuality, Monsignor, Andrew Baker of the Vatican’s Congregation of Bishops said:Homosexuals may be more familiar with certain patterns and techniques of deception and repression…Nor can a homosexual be genuinely a sign of Christ’s spousal love for the Church…if the homosexual could be healed from such disorder, then he could be considered for admission to the seminary and possibly to Holy Orders, but not while being afflicted with the disorder (Irish Times.2002).In deed these words may well have meant something if they were not being uttered by a representative of the Catholic Church, a Church that has concealed the rape of thousands of children across the world at the hands of Homophiles, Hetrophiles and Paedophiles within the Catholic Church. An interesting observation that I make in relation to the current trend by certain sections of the media to burn male sexual deviants, alleged or real, at the stake, while excusing their female counter parts as being mentally ill. Is the fact that a number of journalists who belonged to the once flogged sub-culture of ‘homosexuality’, set aside more than a fair share of column inches to condemn the deviance of recently emerging sexual sub-cultures. Perhaps these individuals unsure of their own membership of their particular group need to vilify others for some form of security and acceptance into an uncertain world. Why do these journalists create the illusion that all religious child rapists were paedophiles when in fact over 95% of them were Homophiles, this misinformation helps to create the illusion that certain sections of society do not rape children, when the evidence is very clearly to the contrary.However, out of this vilification and recrimination needs to emerge rational and reasoned debate about how to develop best practice in child protection, crime prevention and community safety, how many lives could have been saved if the ‘Gay’ debate had not been left for so long in the hands of the ‘moral’ guardians in the media and politics. The difficulty with the supply of lurid and voyeuristic material in the media and especially that which feeds the habits of those with a distorted sexual script and facilitates sexual crime in general (O’ Mahony.1996), is that it normalises deviance in the minds of people already suffering from a variety of psychological, emotional, moral and social crisis. Many sex offenders come from non-nurturing back grounds; they can’t express their emotions or even ask the questions that could set them free from a life time of mental torture (Casey.1999). A Press Ombudsman is a good start to setting some standard in a runaway media, however, much more needs to be done if another generation are not to be morally bankrupted by those who help normalise and facilitate sexual crime in Ireland.[1] Journophile is the term used to describe those persons who write or contribute to those media outlets that facilitate and normalise sexual deviance by way of their objectification of men, women and children through the advertising of perverted sex chat lines, pornographic imagery or lurid sexual literature.
[2] Operation Amethyst was an FBI led investigation that identified people all over the world who had accessed, paid for and down loaded child pornography from the internet. 100 people were identified in Ireland including a Circuit Court Judge who would later have the charges against him dropped as the search warrant used to seize his computer was some hours out of date. The Judge in question had been one of the founder members of the now defunct Progressive Democrats, the ‘anti-corruption’ party.[3] Owen/Eoin Smyth was a member of the republican movement in Monaghan Town, and turned RUC informer when arrested by the RUC in 1981 in relation to the murders of pensioner Norman Strong and his son James. Smyth did not go into the witness box against IRA members and so was allowed to return to Monaghan and remain a member of Sinn Fein; Smyth is in 2012, persona non grata. It is not unusual for such informers to be allowed to continue to work for Sinn Fein, Eamon Collins was allowed to return to Newry after turning RUC informer, Eamon was later murdered by members of the Real IRA for being critical of their campaign.

ashbourne business, john mccabe, rogue traders, commercial court, judge peter kelly, mc cabe

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ashbourne business, john mccabe, rogue traders, commercial court, judge peter kelly, mc cabe

A solitaire 8.38 carat diamond ring owned by the wife of developer John McCabe, whose companies owe €235 million to Nama, was sold in Florida for about €150,000 some two weeks after the agency first asked Mary McCabe to hand it over.

Nama, in seeking to recover a €20 million judgment against Ms McCabe, had challenged as too low a €140,000 collective valuation placed by her on the ring, a diamond bracelet set in platinum, and a necklace. It will get the $205,000 paid for the ring plus the two other items.

The bracelet is in a Dublin jeweller’s safe while the necklace was handed to a Nama receiver yesterday by John McCabe, a son of Ms McCabe. Jeweller John Farrington will retrieve the necklace when he returns from Miami, where he travelled to sell the ring at the request of Ms McCabe.

Rossa Fanning, for Nama, told the Commercial Court yesterday the agency was criticised as “draconian” after asking the court last week to appoint a receiver due to concerns the jewellery might be sold on, but that was “exactly the scheme being engaged in”. Mr McCabe said his mother was not in court due to a family bereavement but there was no “scheme”.

His mother was advised the ring would get a better price in the US and sought to secure the maximum return for Nama and the taxpayer, he said. She tried to stop the sale last Wednesday but was too late as it was sold at an auction in Miami the previous day.

Mr Justice Peter Kelly said Nama would say they had acted “not a moment too soon”. They had written to Ms McCabe twice in January seeking the jewellery.

Breaking news, fianna fail, cia, renditon flights, torture, murder, human rights

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Fianna Fail criminals and their cheer leaders in Government facilitated torture and possible murder of innocent people.Ireland was one of 54 countries which helped facilitate the CIA's secret detention, rendition and interrogation programme in the years after the 9/11 attacks, according a new report.

The report by the Open Society Justice Initiative, a human rights advocacy group, said foreign governments aided the US’s counterterrorism offensive in various ways including by hosting CIA prisons on their territories; detaining, interrogating, torturing, and abusing individuals; assisting in the capture and transport of detainees; permitting the use of domestic airspace and airports for secret flights transporting detainees.

Its Globalising Torture report identified 136 people who had been held or transferred illegally by the CIA, the largest list compiled to date.

It also provided new information about the handling of both al-Qaeda suspects and innocent people caught up in the counterterrorism programme.

The report said Ireland permitted the use of its airspace and airports for flights associated with CIA extraordinary rendition operations.

Its evidence against Ireland was based on a number of sources including three high-level reports from the European Parliament, the Council of Europe and the United Nations which expressed concern about the country’s "alleged co-operation" in the CIA rendition program.

It also cited documents from a legal case brought by extraordinary rendition victims against Jeppesen Dataplan, a company that provided flight planning and logistical support services for CIA extraordinary rendition flights, and which indicated that Ireland allowed use of its airspace and use of Shannon airport for CIA rendition flights.

US court records from another case involving Richmor Aviation, a company that operated CIA extraordinary rendition flights, also show that at least 13 flights operated by Richmor involving US personnel landed in Ireland between 2002 and 2004.

Richmor-operated flights were involved in the extraordinary rendition of the Egyptian cleric Abu Omar,1120 and are also suspected of having refueled at Shannon before transporting Abd al Nashiri.

The Open Society report also referenced diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks which revealed former US ambassador James Kenny noted in 2006 that the Irish Government had “acted to ensure continued US military transits at Shannon in the face of public criticism” despite public concern that the airport was being used for extraordinary rendition flights.

While the Bush administration in the US acknowledged that the CIA had secretly detained about 100 prisoners, the US government has to date only identified 16 “high value detainees” who were secretly held in CIA detention prior to being transferred to its detention centre in Guantánamo Bay.

The US also has refused to disclose the identities of the foreign governments that participated in secret detention or extraordinary rendition. “By engaging in torture and other abuses associated with secret detention and extraordinary rendition, the US government violated domestic and international law, thereby diminishing its moral standing and eroding support for its counterterrorism efforts worldwide as these abuses came to light,” the report said.

The report's author, Amrit Singh, said: "The moral cost of these programs was borne not just by the US but by the 54 other countries it recruited to help."

Colm O’Gorman, executive director of Amnesty International Ireland, said: "It is undeniable that the Irish Government knew rendition flights transited Ireland and that they knew this breached the legally binding international convention on torture. Yet they did nothing.

“Official Ireland was prepared to ignore our role in kidnap and torture for the sake of maintaining good relations with the United States government,” he added
Among its list of recommendations to the US government, today's report calls on the administration to repudiate the CIA’s practice of extraordinary rendition, and to cease its reliance on “diplomatic assurances” against torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, as a basis for transferring individuals to foreign countries.

The report also calls on other governments to refuse to participate in CIA extraordinary rendition, and to "institute safeguards" for ensuring that future joint counterterrorism operations do not violate human rights standards.

In December, the European Court of Human Rights found the CIA responsible for the torture of Khalied el-Masri, a German citizen abducted by the agency and taken to Afghanistan in a case of mistaken identification.

On Friday, an Italian appeals court convicted a CIA station chief and two other Americans of the kidnapping of a radical cleric taken from the streets of Milan in 2003 and sent to Egypt.

loughgall martys, jim lynagh, paddy kelly, SAS, RUC, provisional ira, sinn fein, east tyrone ira

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Jim Lynagh, Loughgall Martyrs, 26th Anniversary.Jim Lynagh was a military strategist who had a republican intellectualism unmatched by many in republican history; Lynagh was also endowed with a military vision and capacity beyond that of the coward securocrats who planned his execution in connivance with traitors. Lynagh is long since for gotten by those who carried out his execution, but, Lynagh, is still remembered in the nightmares of those who filled their pockets with 30 pieces of British silver.Loughgall is a picture-postcard village on the borders of Tyrone and County Armagh that with its neatly arranged window boxes and hanging baskets you would expect to win the best kept village competition year after year. Tourists come for the antique shops and cosy tea rooms that line its narrow main street. 26 years ago in 1987, other visitors came to Loughgall.The quiet of a May evening on 8 May 1987 was shattered by the thunder of SAS guns as the Regiment (as it is known) ambushed and wiped out one of the most heavily armed and experienced Active Service Units (ASU) the Provisional IRA had ever assembled. It was known as the 'A' Team. Eight bodies in boiler suits, some with balaclavas, lay bloody and dead on the ground and in the back of the van in which they had been travelling. The SAS had been lying in wait and had opened up with a barrage of over 200 rounds blasted from General Purpose Machine guns (GPMGs) and high-powered Heckler and Koch rifles. The SAS outnumbered and outgunned the IRA by three to one. The van was riddled like a sieve and its IRA passengers cut to pieces. It was the biggest loss the IRA had suffered since 1921 when a dozen of its men were wiped out by the notorious 'Black and Tans'. Loughgall police station, a few hundred yards outside the village and the target of the IRA's attack, was reduced to a twisted pile of concrete and rubble. The IRA just managed to detonate its 200 lb bomb before the SAS opened up.A few miles away in the ops room that was the nerve centre of the security forces' Tasking and Co-Ordinating Group (TCG) from which the ambush had been directed, an SAS Commander, a Senior M15 Officer and two senior RUC Officers (both shot dead 1989) anxiously gathered to hear the result of one of the most carefully planned M15, RUC and Army operations of the northern conflict. They gathered around an SAS officer who was in radio contact with the SAS commander on the ground, when the news came through, the SAS Officer turned to those gathered (TCG) and declared, “Total Wipe-out”.To the British, the SAS had given the IRA a taste of its own medicine and to Ulster Unionists clambering for the army to take the gloves off, not before time. There was celebration in the TCG at the unprecedented spectacular and quiet contentment in the Northern Ireland Office. Its Permanent Under Secretary at the time, Sir Robert Andrew, later said how he felt on hearing the news. 'My personal reaction was really one of some satisfaction that we had 'won one' as it were. I think it demonstrated to the IRA that the other side could play it rough. I hope it sent a message that the British government was resolute and was going to fight them.'Certainly the IRA had been playing it very rough. Only a fortnight earlier, it had assassinated Northern Ireland's second most senior judge, Lord Justice Gibson and his wife with a 500 lb bomb as they drove back across the border after a holiday away. The explosives were thought to have come from Libya. The judge had been a prime target ever since he had acquitted the police officers who shot dead Gervaise McKerr (whose case was also ruled on at Strasbourg) and two other IRA men during a car chase in 1982. He commended them for bringing the deceased to 'the final court of justice'. None of them was armed at the time. The then Northern Ireland Secretary, Tom King said, 'We were conscious we were facing an enhanced threat and we took enhanced measures to meet it.' The SAS was the cutting edge.At the time of Loughgall, the IRA was brimful of confidence. It had recently had its bunkers filled almost to bursting with over 130 tons of heavy weaponry and high explosives smuggled into Ireland in four shipments courtesy of Mrs Thatcher's sworn enemy, Colonel Gaddafi (murdered 2011) of Libya. The depleted ranks of its leadership had also been strengthened by the IRA's mass break-out from the Long Kesh/Maze prison in 1983, many of whose senior volunters were still on the run. One of them was Patrick McKearney (32).It was known that IRA Commander, Jim Lynagh, had developed a new Maoist strategy of liberating Green Zones, zones that would be cleared of the British and their collaborators. The IRA began its new strategy in 1985 with a devastating mortar attack on the RUC station in the border town of Newry in which nine police officers died. It followed it up with a bomb and gun attack on Ballygawley police station that left two RUC men dead. In 1986, it launched a bomb attack on another police station, unmanned at the time, in the tiny village of the Birches along the shores of Lough Neagh in County Tyrone. Now a new delivery system had been used, a JCB digger with a 200-lb bomb in the bucket. The digger smashed through the security fence, the bomb exploded and reduced the station to rubble. The attack on Loughgall was designed to be a carbon copy of the attack on the Birches. But this time British intelligence knew the IRA was coming and was across its plans.The first indicator about the Loughgall operation came three weeks earlier from an RUC agent based in Monaghan Town, Patrick Kelly had travelled to Monaghan to meet Jim Lynagh, however, as often happened, Lynagh was not about, Patrick Kelly made the fatal mistake of making inquiries about Lynagh with Owen/Eoin Smyth, the Round House Bar, Church Square, Monaghan Town. Barely three weeks before Loughgall, five of the East Tyrone IRA had shot dead Harold Henry (52), a member of the Henry Brothers construction business that carried out repairs on security force bases. Just before midnight, the IRA took Mr Henry from his home, put him up against a wall and shot him dead with two rifles and a shotgun. He left a widow and six children. To the IRA he was a 'legitimate target', the first of more than twenty 'collaborators' to be 'executed' by the IRA for 'assisting the British war machine.' One of the weapons believed to have been used in the Henry killing was later retrieved at Loughgall.On the basis of the information passed to the RUC Special Branch by the IRA informer in Monaghan Town, a major security operation was put into action. Extra SAS Teams were brought into the north, within hours of arriving in the north, the SAS Teams were brought to the firing range beneath the RUC Forensic Lab in Belfast, were they test fired similar weapons to those that would be used by the IRA Team at loughgall. The SAS Team was briefed by Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan. This test firing would allow the SAS to distinguish between friendly and enemy fire on the night of the Loughgall executions. While the Monaghan Informer had given an indicator that a major operation was about to take place, the actual target was not immediately known, this would take a detailed mapping of a myriad of intelligence sources. The Monaghan Informer would contact his handler a couple of days before Loughgall to say that Jim Lynagh had moved to a safe house in Coalisland, County Tyrone.There was other vital intelligence too from M15's listening devices planted inside the homes of IRA suspects, usually put in place when they were away – or even when the homes of the more prominent ones were being built. As long as the batteries held out, these technical devices – or 'bugs' - could be monitored many miles away or their content down-loaded by helicopters flying over the premises where they were hidden. It's likely too that the location where the explosives were stored for the Loughgall bomb were also under M15 technical surveillance. They were probably also under human 'eyes-on' observation by operators of the army's top-secret undercover unit, 14 Intelligence Company (known colloquially as the 'Det') and the RUC's equivalent covert unit, E4A. 'E' is the code for the RUC's Special Branch.The security force operation was put in place on Thursday 7 May, the day before the IRA's planned assault. Three Special Branch officers from the RUC's specialist anti-terrorist unit volunteered to remain inside the normally sleepy station as decoys to give the appearance of normality whilst the IRA did its 'recce'. 'Matt', a veteran of such covert operations, was one of them. They entered the station with some of the SAS troopers as darkness fell on the Thursday night. They made sandwiches and cracked jokes to lighten the tedium of waiting and perhaps to calm the nerves.The joint leaders of the ASU was Patrick Kelly (30), an experienced IRA commander whose sister, supported by the other relatives, was a prime mover in bringing the Loughgall cases before the European Court. Kelly had been arrested in 1982 and charged with terrorist offences on the word of a 'supergrass' but was subsequently released as the testimony lacked corroboration. Jim Lynagh was the second Commander and was the man most sought after by the British and Irish security services. Among the younger members of the ASU were four young friends from the village of Cappagh who had joined the IRA after the death of one of their village friend, Martin Hurson, on hunger strike in 1981. One of them, Declan Arthurs (21), was to drive the JCB with a 200 lb bomb in the bucket – just like the Birches.Throughout the long hours of Friday, the maze of country lanes around Loughgall police station were watched and patrolled by 'Det' operators on the look-out for the 'A Team'. One of them was a young women called 'Anna' who was driving around the area with her 'Det' partner as part of the surveillance cordon. Suddenly they spotted a blue Toyota Hiace van. At first they thought it was simply stuck behind a slow-moving vehicle but when they realised it was a JCB, they immediately put Ballygawley and the Birches together. 'You suddenly realize it's the MO (modus operandi) used by the East Tyrone Brigade,' she said. 'It was like a replay. But this time we were on top of it and we knew what was happening. So we passed on the information to the TCG and pulled off.' The Chief Constable of the time, Sir John Hermon, said the IRA ASU could not have been arrested. He said it was never a realistic option since the IRA would be unlikely to come out with their hands up and police officers lives would therefore be at grave risk.At 7.15 pm as dusk gathered, the JCB with Declan Arthurs at the wheel and the bomb raised high in the bucket, trundled past the police station with the blue Toyota van in attendance. Both then turned and headed back in the direction whence they had come. Suddenly, the JCB roared into life, headed for the perimeter fence and crashed through it. Almost simultaneously, the van drew up outside, disgorging Patrick Kelly and other members of the ASU who sprayed the station with their assault rifles. The SAS almost certainly opened up the moment Kelly started firing. Everything seemed to happen at once in a deafening crescendo of noise. Inside the station, 'Matt' (Special Branch), who was by the front window, was only about ten metres from the JCB when it came to a halt right before his eyes. He turned and ran to the back with one word on his mind. Bomb! 'I thought of the Birches and Ballygawley and the next minute there was an almighty bang. I was hit in the face, knocked to the ground and buried. I thought "I'm dead", simple as that!' Miraculously 'Matt' survived although buried in the rubble 'inhaling dust and darkness.' The 'A' Team did not. 'Declan was mowed down. He could have been taken prisoner,' his mother, Amelia Arthurs, said. 'The SAS never gave them a chance.' The photographs taken at the scene are gruesome. The van in which the IRA volunteers had travelled was ripped open by part of the shrapnel from the digger bucket when it exploded, this is new information.'Matt' felt no sympathy for the bullet-riddled bodies on the ground outside the station and in the back of the van. 'They were there to kill us,' he said. 'These guys were responsible for lots and lots of deaths in that area and other parts of the province. Dead terrorists are better than dead policemen.' Forensic tests carried out on the IRA weapons retrieved at the scene were linked to eight killings and thirty-three shootings.The area around the police station had not been cordoned off since to have done so would have risked making the IRA suspicious and wary of the carefully laid ambush. As a result, two brothers returning home from work, were shot by the SAS. The security personnel who lay on the outer core of the ambush had been ordered to kill everyone within the kill zone.  Perhaps the soldiers thought they were part of the ASU or mistook their white Citroen for an IRA 'scout' car, maybe because one of the occupants was wearing a boiler suit. The brothers had been working on a car. The SAS fired forty rounds at the vehicle, killing Anthony Hughes (36) and seriously wounding his brother Oliver who was scarred for life. He said no warning was given. The RUC's Chief Constable, Sir Ronnie Flanagan, described the attack on the two innocent men as 'an unspeakable tragedy' and blamed the IRA, not planning and operational shortcomings, for his death.When 'Anna', her 'Det' colleagues and the SAS returned to base, there were great celebrations. 'There was a huge party and it probably went on for 24 hours,' she said. 'A lot of beer was drunk. We were jubilant. We thought it was a job well done. It sent shock waves through the terrorist world that we were back on top.' She said of the dead IRA men. 'They're all volunteers and actively engaged against the British army. They're 'at war' as they would describe it. My attitude is that if you live by the sword, you die by the sword. We were just happy at the end of the day to be alive ourselves.'Some new information is contained in this article, it is certain that the first indicator for the Loughgall operation came from an RUC Special Branch Informer in Monaghan Town. This informer also contacted the RUC to let them know that Jim Lynagh had moved to a safe house in Coalisland just before the Loughgall operation. Once the security services had their first indicator of a major IRA operation, M15 and the RUC had to simply correlate their myriad of intelligence to match the A Team with their target. At the same time that M15 and the SAS were focused on the East Tyrone IRA, M16 were working closely with Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams and had adopted a hands-off approach to the IRA in Derry and Belfast.

Dunnes stores, pricing fraud, quality street special offer, Christmas gifts, consumer rights, dunnes fraud, customer service, special offers

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Dunnes stores, pricing fraud, quality street special offer, Christmas gifts, consumer rights, dunnes fraud, customer service, special offersDunnes Pricing Fraud? Shop Lifting from Consumer pocketsDunnes Stores has been accused of Pricing Fraud by customers who have been tricked into buying boxes of Quality Street that are being sold at 6 Euros while shoppers receipts are showing a saving of 13.20 Euros, the same boxes of Quality Street are being sold 2 for 10 Euros in CENTRA.
Dunnes are tricking people into believing that they are making significant savings on the boxes of Quality Street when in fact customers are simply being subject to a Pricing Fraud similar to the type of Pricing Fraud that Tesco had just been convicted of last week in relation to their misrepresentation of Lidl Prices.Dunnes Stores ‘customer service’ department are adding to the con by telling customers that the Quality Street were 13.20 Euros in August and that customer receipts are showing a saving of 7.21 Euros with the boxes of Quality Street scanning at 5.99 Euros.Customers are being encouraged to forward their receipts to Dunnes Stores headquarters and demand an explanation for this pricing fraud by Dunnes. Customers are also reminded that they can contact a number of organisations if they feel that they have been cheated by Dunnes Stores or any other retailer.Consumer RightsYour RightsTrading Standards

Breaking news, dail adjourned, Gerry adams td, enda Kenny td, sinn fein, budget, crime, murder, victims

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Breaking news, dail adjourned, Gerry adams td, enda Kenny td, sinn fein, budget, crime, murder, victimsEnda Kenny kicks the ball to the back of the net for the decent people of IrelandThe Dáil was adjourned this afternoon following heated exchanges between Taoiseach Enda Kenny and Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams.As Mr Adams strongly attacked the budget, Mr Kenny said he would love the Sinn Féin leader to “speak the truth about some elements of your past’’.When an angry Mr Adams rose to his feet, Mr Kenny said: “Perhaps you might some day, some day, tell the truth about the tragedy and about the remorse...and about the compassion that should have been shown to Jean McConville’’. McConville was one of the so-called "disappeared".Mr Adams said a charge had been made by Mr Kenny and it was up to Ceann Comhairle Sean Barrett to defend his right to ask questions of the Taoiseach. “I want the Taoiseach to withdraw that remark,’’ Mr Adams added.Mr Barrett said withdrawing the remark was a matter for the Taoiseach and he could not force anybody to withdraw a charge.As the row continued, Mr Barrett adjourned the Dáil for 10 minutes.Earlier, Mr Adams accused the Taoiseach of kowtowing “to your masters in Europe, the big bankers and the golden circles’’ who created the current economic difficulties.He urged Mr Kenny to “cut out the waffle, cut out the rubbish’’ and show compassion.“You have made the easy choice to tackle the people who are not organised, who are vulnerable and on the margins,’’ said Mr Adams.Mr Kenny said he knew the difficulties people were experiencing. “There is no easy solution to the range of problems this Government faces,’’ he added.“In fact, with respect to all of those who went before me, there are few who have ever had to face the scale of the economic challenge we now face here.’
Breaking news, referendum, childrens referendum, November referendum, child protection, child care, child abuse, sinn fein, Gerry Adams sex crime
A Complete History of Child Rape in IRELAND Click and READSinn Fein the Party with the ‘Beasts Head’ as its mascot has come out in support of the Referendum on Children’s Rights to be held on the 10^th November 2012, watching Gerry Adams hold a sign calling for children’s rights was like watching a mad-dog call for the rights of the lamb.Gerry Adams TD has been forced to publicly admit that he concealed the Rape of several children, while Gerry Adams TD knew that his father Gerry Adams snr was a serial child rapist, Gerry Adams TD and his fellow butchers in Belfast afforded Gerry Adams paedophile a full IRA style funeral. Gerry Adams TD is to give Queens Evidence against his brother Liam Dominic Adams who stands accused of raping his daughter Aine since she was a toddler, Gerry Adams TD knew about the rape of Aine and failed to contact the authorities, for fear that his lucrative political career would be damaged.Gerry Adams serial child rapist and RUC InformerIn 1973 Seamus was 7 years old when he was kidnapped, beaten and Raped by Gerry Adams Snr and two other members of Sinn Fein, here is his short story.I was 7 years old in 1973; I was walking along the street on my way home from school, there was lots going on then, shootings, bombings, lots of army and police. As I was approaching my home, a black taxi pulled up alongside me, the back door opened and a man with a hand-gun on his lap ordered me to get into the taxi, the man said they just wanted to talk to me about the Brits and if I had seen anything on my way home from school. There were two large men in the front of the taxi, the man in the back seat ordered the driver to move. Within a few minutes I was being ushered into one of the many derelict houses in our area. The men closed the front door of the house behind us and one of them stayed at the door with the hand-gun. The man who had been in the back seat of the taxi with me, and I now know to be Gerry Adams Snr, ordered me to remove my clothes, I was very afraid and two of the men started ripping my cloths of, I cried and tried to resist them but they battered me. Both men lifted me onto an old wooded table, one was squeezing my privates really hard, the other already had his trousers open and was forcing me to open my legs. For almost two hours they, all three men, systematically raped and beat me, when they had finished raping me I could not hold my own weight, I fell to the floor. Gerry Adams warned me that both my family and I would be shot dead if any word of my ordeal was disclosed to anyone. As Gerry Adams was walking out the door of the derelict house, he turned to me as I lay on the ground and said, “If your mother asks why your clothes are torn, tell her you were in a fight at school”, he banged the door after him, I just lay there crying, I was in so much pain. I know that as many as 60 children were raped by the same Sinn Fein gang, I have spoken with many of the victims, however, what can we do, the beasts are all dead now and those who protected them are well protected.OPINION: THE LACK of debate on the children’s referendum reflects the uncontroversial nature of the proposed amendment to the Constitution, but also how limited it is in scope.The amendment is certainly not a threat to the rights of parents. We are not entering a “brave new world” of unbridled State power to intervene in the family, as the opposing voices to this amendment are unjustifiably claiming.Nor, as John Waters stated in his column (October 5th), is this amendment seeking to radically alter the “ecology of family rights”. However, I agree with his analysis (October 12th) in one respect: the lack of debate on the amendment is worrying.The amendment has four broad aims: First, article 42A.1 re-emphasises that the child, as an individual, has natural and imprescriptible rights which the State, by its laws, must in so far as it can vindicate and defend. This amendment is similar in wording to another provision of the Constitution (article 42.5) which is to be deleted if the proposal is accepted by the people.These rights have been interpreted to include, among others, the right to be fed, cared for, educated and nurtured. This provision recognises that for practically all children in the Republic, it is their natural parents who will fully and adequately protect these rights for their children.Second, article 42A.2.1 sensibly permits the State to intervene, in a proportionate manner and in a way that protects the natural and imprescriptible rights of the child, where the safety or welfare of a child is “likely to be prejudicially affected”.The precise meaning of the phrase “likely to be prejudicially affected” has not yet been interpreted by the courts. Given the required harmonious interpretation of this provision with other provisions relating to “the family” in the Constitution, this will not seek to supplant decisions of the marital family unless there is some significant threat to the welfare or safety of the child.Third, article 42A.2.2 and article 42A.3 will permit the Oireachtas to equalise adoption laws for those children from marital families with children whose parents are unmarried. Irish law, in particular the Adoption Act 2010 and the scheme of the 2012 Adoption Bill, provides extensive rights to the natural mother and marital parents.Extinguishing parental rights may be done voluntarily, or in situations of abandonment. Adoption is a long and complex process and this amendment ensures that only where the best interests of the child are served by the adoption will it be permitted to go ahead.Finally, under article 42A.4, in resolving proceedings relating to preventing the safety and welfare of the child being prejudicially affected, or in adoption, guardianship, custody and access disputes, the “best interests of the child” is to be the paramount consideration.In such proceedings, in so far as is practicable and subject to a child’s age and maturity, courts must take into account the views of the child.The phrase “best interests of the child” causes some concern to those advocating a No vote. On RTÉ’s Morning Ireland programme on September 20th, Kathy Sinnott argued that this principle was an invidious invasion of international law (article 3, UN Convention on the Rights of the Child) into domestic law.She also referred to the Supreme Court case in 2001 in which the State successfully appealed a High Court decision requiring it to provide education for her son, Jamie, who has autism, beyond the age of 18.Sinnott argued that whereas the Constitution provided adequate protection for children with special needs, the State built its case on the provisions of the UN convention, which were now to be confirmed by the proposed amendment.However, this is not reflected in the actual decision of the Supreme Court, which came to its decision firmly on the basis of the education provisions of the Constitution.The background to the introduction of the amendment is sadly all too well known: decades of societal and legal ignorance or wilful blindness to those in industrial schools and laundries, coupled with a depressing amount of child physical and sexual abuse. No amount of laws, constitutional or otherwise, can prevent all forms of neglect or abuse of children at the hands of those who should be caring for them, or from predatory strangers. Even if funding was increased to State and administrative agencies whose role is to protect children, this would not offer a cast-iron protection of children against all forms of abuse.It would be wise that those advocating a Yes vote do not overstate the potential impact of this amendment. It will not, of itself, deal with significant issues relating to the funding and administration of child and family welfare services offered by the State.It does not provide for the best interests of the child or for the views of the child to be considered, in matters outside general child welfare/protection disputes. In areas of social welfare, housing, transport, educational provision and so on, there will be no obligation upon State/administrative agencies to have regard to the best interests of the child or the voice of the child.Indeed, if one looks back at the key complaints that children or their parents have made to the children’s ombudsman, many relate to public authorities not taking into consideration the rights and/or voice of the child in disputes that affect the family.So, while this amendment should be passed, it is not the panacea to cure all ills. Given the recession, the task of the Oireachtas, in terms of resources for child and family services is proving ever more difficult.While the amendment will address particular issues relating to children, it does not reflect a genuine understanding of the voice, the rights, and the inherent dignity of all children. For now, these issues must be addressed by the political system. So while I will be voting Yes, I also regret that a more transformative and less cautious amendment will not be before us on November 10th.When night came, the terror started. Across Belfast, terrorist punishment squads scoured the streets for petty criminals.


Screams and gunshots rang out after dark as summary justice was handed out. For so-called anti-social elements caught by these gangs, the punishments were lingering - and gruesome. No mercy was shown.
Bundling the victim into a waiting car, the terrorists would take the suspect to a favourite secluded spot - a cemetery where IRA volunteers had been buried with full military honours as a salvo of bullets were fired into the air.
United: Gerry Adams at the funeral of his mother Annie in 1992, standing behind his father, Gerry SeniorThere, in the dead of night, sentence would be pronounced, depending on the severity of the crime.

A car thief might escape with a severe beating with baseball bats for a first offence. But regular offenders faced knee-capping. The victim was ordered to remove their trousers (to prevent infection from fibres forced into their flesh by a bullet) and shot in the back of the leg. Crippled for life, this served as a permanent warning to them and others.

Drug dealers received a double knee-capping, while those seized by the Nutting Squad - a gang of sophisticated IRA killers who tortured suspected informers with power drills - rarely lived to tell the tale.

Such brutal justice was commonplace - and sanctioned by the IRA leadership. At the height of the Troubles, a knee-capping was being carried out every night in Belfast, with more than 6,000 crippled.

But by far the most grisly punishments were reserved for 'nonces' - sex offenders and child molesters, regarded as the lowest of the low.
Accused: Liam Adams worked with children for decades before his crimes came to lightIndeed, the punishment squads were often superfluous to requirement, because gangs of locals would take the law into their own hands.

In one case, a man was locked in a van with three savage dogs and torn to pieces. In another, a rapist was crucified by being nailed to a fence beside a busy road. Homes of suspected nonces were petrol-bombed by mobs.

Yet the occupant of one terrace house remained unmolested, even though many people - police, social workers, politicians and locals - had heard dreadful gossip about what happened behind his front door.

There was a simple reason this man was not attacked: a huge poster of Gerry Adams, the public face of the IRA, hung from his front window.

And to make sure there was no confusion, the man would greet callers by asking: 'Do you know who my brother is?'

For the occupant was Liam Adams, little brother of Gerry, kingpin of the organisation and a man who reached worldwide prominence when Margaret Thatcher ordered that his voice could not be broadcast in order to prevent the IRA benefiting from the 'oxygen of publicity'.

Liam's warning sign worked. It made clear he was an IRA ' untouchable' on account of his family connections. Due to the prominence of Gerry and his father, Gerry senior, also a stalwart of the IRA, the Adams family was regarded as 'terrorist aristocracy' in Belfast.

Such power meant that for more than three decades, Liam managed to escape retribution for the rape and sexual abuse of his daughter Aine, which began in the Seventies when she was just four and ended when she was ten.

This week, Liam finally handed himself into the police to face sex abuse charges - 22 years after Aine first told 'Uncle Gerry' of the abuse.

Why did Liam hand himself in? Only because his brother Gerry told him to do so after Aine went public with the abuse allegations for the first time in a TV interview.

The truth is that Gerry Adams has spent the past two decades protecting his brother by covering up for his unspeakable crimes and persuading his niece to keep quiet about it - to 'keep it in the family' - in order to protect his own skin.

Yesterday, appalled rape campaigners said Adams could have ended his niece's quest for justice years ago had he spoken out earlier. Yet he chose not to, for the sake of his political career.

The disgust felt at Adams's behaviour is palpable in Ireland, a country reeling from the scandal of paedophile priests.

The brutal facts, according to Aine, are as follows. From 1978, her father Liam used to beat up her mother Sally badly enough to make her run from the house - leaving him free to abuse Aine who, like most victims of paedophiles, told no one. Sally eventually threw out Liam in 1983 and divorced him.


It was only when Aine discovered her father had a new wife with another little girl to abuse that she told her mother, who went to the police.

Aine was examined by police doctors, who confirmed she had been abused, but she says officers were more interested in recruiting members of the Adams family to act as informers than in helping her.

She turned to Uncle Gerry for help, hoping he would punish her father for his unspeakable crimes.


Victim: Aine, Gerry Adams' niece, spoke out in public about her abusive father Instead, he tried to convince his niece it was her father who was the victim rather than her.

Adams told Aine: 'Our Liam can't cope with life and I'm trying to get him to meet you, but you know he is a coward and might not want to do that.'

Under pressure from some un-named Republicans, Aine withdrew her police complaint and tried to get on with her life. She had two children - but couldn't sleep with the light off or the door closed.

By 2007, Aine was so fed up of being strung along by her uncle that she revived the police investigation. A warrant was issued for Liam's arrest in November 2008.

Facing 23 specimen charges of rape and sexual assault, Liam went on the run. Aine finally spoke out last week because of the lack of any progress concerning his arrest.

So compromised was Gerry Adams by her TV interview that he made a public appeal for Liam to come forward.

But even though Liam voluntarily walked into a police station in Co. Sligo on Monday, he was allowed to walk free because of a legal loophole that meant the arrest warrant - issued in Northern Ireland - was not valid south of the Border.

It is understood Liam told Gardai, the Irish police, he had been living in Northern Ireland, but had crossed the Border to surrender himself.

As for Gerry, a pathological liar who denies to this day he has ever been a member of the IRA, he has claimed he did everything possible to try to help the child victim in the affair. Yet it was his brother he treated as a victim, rather than his niece.

After Liam's divorce, Gerry backed his brother's decision to make a new start in life. He supported his new career working in youth clubs, where he would have easy, regular access to young girls and boys.

Liam was appointed a youth worker at Clonard monastery in West Belfast, where Gerry attended Mass and was close friends with many of the priests, some of whom he would invite to his home nearby.

As the scandal erupted this week, the Sinn Fein leader said he had warned the priests about Liam's unsavoury past - a claim angrily denied by officials and clergy at the monastery.

'We have no record of Gerry Adams giving us any of this type of information,' says a monastery official.

'There is no record whatsoever regarding concerns about Mr Liam Adams during his time of employment at Clonard Youth Centre.'

Last night, Adams had again changed his story, claiming he was appalled to learn that his brother had been working with children - and that 'if I had been aware, I would have tried to stop it'.

He also claims he was 'estranged' from Liam for 20 years after Aine told him of the sex abuse and that they rarely met or spoke.

This, too, is a lie. Gerry Adams was pictured at Liam's second wedding in 1994, smiling happily, during the two decades they were allegedly estranged.

Alongside the brothers was Joe Cahill, a senior Republican, who wore a green ribbon in support of IRA prisoners.

Gerry Adams also paid official visits to youth projects where his brother worked, guaranteeing Liam publicity to help his political ambitions and the potential to raise funds in the community.

While a youth development worker at one project, Liam Adams hosted a visit by their local MP - one Gerry Adams - who unveiled a mural and talked about the pressures that can lead to young people committing suicide.

Liam Adams, who is now in his 50s, handed himself into police after a public appeal by his brother
Adams also refused to intervene when Liam announced he planned to help vulnerable Romanian orphans.

And so he was able to travel to Romania and invite groups of children back to Belfast - with minimal supervision.

Liam coveted publicity. Despite being a secret paedophile and child rapist, in 1996 he garnered favourable headlines by threatening to expose a ring of wealthy perverts he claimed were abusing children.

'We have the names of several business people, who we are 100 per cent sure are involved,' Liam said.

'The authorities should be doing more to investigate, using the evidence that has come to light.'

But then Gerry helped his little brother from the moment he heard of the abuse from Aine. Indeed, he tried to help him carve out a political career of his own.

While the pair were 'estranged', Gerry reportedly even helped arrange for Liam to become a Sinn Fein candidate in Dundalk - only for local officials to rebel at an 'outsider' from Belfast being imposed on them by Adams and the leadership.

In a cynical bid for sympathy, Gerry Adams claimed this week that his family had also been the victims of sexual and physical abuse by his father Gerry senior, who was buried with full military honours in Belfast six years ago.

Adams says he discovered the news about his own father - a thug known as 'Monkey' on account of his simian features - while trying to 'sort out' the business with Aine.

He refused to say whether Liam Adams was abused.

Had the paedophile scandal emerged at the height of the Troubles, commentators believe Adams would have been thrown out of the IRA.

Yet his position as an MP is now under threat amid a welter of new allegations exposing him as a liar.

In a damning new book to be published about the secret life of Gerry Adams, there will be revelations about his role in the case of The Disappeared - an infamous case involving the IRA murder of a dozen civilians.

This will finally nail the lie of Adams's denial of his involvement with the IRA, not to mention revealing the existence of secret tapes about his involvement in the killing of Jean McConville, a mother of ten suspected of being an informer.